From washington's farewell address warning against getting involved in Essay

From washington's farewell address warning against getting involved in foreign entanglements to the Monroe Doctrine to Theod - Essay Example They were not the only presidents to do this. In later times, at least three Cold War era presidents also followed this course, including Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy. Nor did it end with the conclusion of the Cold War. Barack Obama himself has embraced this policy of implied force as a central theme of his policy. As will be seen, this overriding theme of implied force is the definitive common denominator of all presidential decision-making in foreign policy. Five sources were consulted in the preparation of this paper, and all proved invaluable in the development of one’s understanding of this topic. Harry Ammon provided a critical background for the analysis of James Monroe’s famous doctrine of 1823 as a major departure point for American external policies. Harlow Giles Unger took a somewhat dissenting view from the conventional view that the Europeans had a distinct advantage over the fledgling American republic, and notes that the Ameri cans were stronger at that time than usually given credit for, a surprising position indeed! Former senator Cary Hart of Colorado has the unique insider’s perspective as a practicing politician in the halls of power for many years. Although a seasoned practitioner, Hart is no intellectual lightweight. He holds a doctorate and has lectured at Yale, Oxford and other hallowed institutions. Aida Donald offers keen insights into the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, and helps to elevate Roosevelt in historical stature. Louis Auchincloss, an authoritative Roosevelt biographer, establishes the basic thread of continuity between Monroe and Roosevelt, the two presidents emphasized here. James Monroe seemed marked out by destiny to be a diplomat. A protege of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, fellow Virginians and his immediate forerunners as presidents, Monroe apprenticed himself as a minister to foreign powers. What bothered him from an early date, however, was the comple te lack of respect he encountered toward American diplomats and his beloved country. He felt that America should be taken more seriously as an emerging power in its own right, and he was determined to gain that respect. When he became president, Monroe continued to be influenced by Jefferson and Madison. Britain, Spain and Russia proved particularly worrisome to him. Jefferson had cautioned him against entanglements with European powers—echoing Washington—but Monroe had some ideas of his own about diplomacy. Apparently, as early as March 1822, Monroe was disturbed by European expansion into Latin America (Ammon 476-481). He was already toying with the notion of an â€Å"American system† by that date, so it was not surprising that he went before Congress in December 1823 with the address that would come to be known as the â€Å"Monroe Doctrine†, but only after 1850. This policy, now so familiar to posterity, was only part of Monroe’s unique position in American history. He may be credited with being America’s first â€Å"national security president† (Hart 114). He had already fortified America’s northern border with Canada and taken other measures deemed appropriate for security purposes, so it was but a small leap for him to